Tufts University’s Michael J. Glennon
"Vote all you want. The secret government won’t change. The people we elect aren’t the ones calling the shots, says Glennon."
The voters who put Barack Obama in office expected some big changes. From the NSA’s warrantless wiretapping to Guantanamo Bay to the Patriot Act, candidate Obama was a defender of civil liberties and privacy, promising a dramatically different approach from his predecessor.
But six years into his administration, the Obama version of national security looks almost indistinguishable from the one he inherited. Guantanamo Bay remains open. The NSA has, if anything, become more aggressive in monitoring Americans. Drone strikes have escalated. Most recently it was reported that the same president who won a Nobel Prize in part for promoting nuclear disarmament is spending up to $1 trillion modernizing and revitalizing America’s nuclear weapons.
Why did the face in the Oval Office change but the policies remain the same? Critics tend to focus on Obama himself, a leader who perhaps has shifted with politics to take a harder line. But Tufts University political scientist Michael J. Glennon has a more pessimistic answer: Obama couldn’t have changed policies much even if he tried.
Though it’s a bedrock American principle that citizens can steer their own government by electing new officials, Glennon suggests that in practice, much of our government no longer works that way. In a new book, “National Security and Double Government,” he catalogs the ways that the defense and national security apparatus is effectively self-governing, with virtually no accountability, transparency, or checks and balances of any kind. He uses the term “double government”: There’s the one we elect, and then there’s the one behind it, steering huge swaths of policy almost unchecked. Elected officials end up serving as mere cover for the real decisions made by the bureaucracy.
And he’s not a conspiracy theorist: Rather, he sees the problem as one of “smart, hard-working, public-spirited people acting in good faith who are responding to systemic incentives”—without any meaningful oversight to rein them in.
GLENNON: I was curious why a president such as Barack Obama would embrace the very same national security and counterterrorism policies that he campaigned eloquently against. Why would that president continue those same policies in case after case after case?
GLENNON: There is an element of what you described. There is not only one explanation or one cause for the amazing continuity of American national security policy. But obviously there is something else going on when policy after policy after policy all continue virtually the same way that they were in the George W. Bush administration.
GLENNON: I think the American people are deluded, as Bagehot explained about the British population, that the institutions that provide the public face actually set American national security policy. They believe that when they vote for a president or member of Congress or succeed in bringing a case before the courts, that policy is going to change. Now, there are many counter-examples in which these branches do affect policy, as Bagehot predicted there would be. But the larger picture is still true—policy by and large in the national security realm is made by the concealed institutions.
GLENNON: The ultimate problem is the pervasive political ignorance on the part of the American people. And indifference to the threat that is emerging from these concealed institutions. That is where the energy for reform has to come from: the American people. Not from government. Government is very much the problem here. The people have to take the bull by the horns. And that’s a very difficult thing to do, because the ignorance is in many ways rational. There is very little profit to be had in learning about, and being active about, problems that you can’t affect, policies that you can’t change.
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Gee, what could it be? What force could possibly be responsible? It's almost as if some mysterious, all-pervading field has somehow enveloped America's body politic. We can't put our finger on it, but we know it's "not a conspiracy theory," because that might make Glennon look kooky, and that's the greatest fear of all for a pedant. So Glennon finds refuge is that old reliable fallback, the well-meaning, honest mistake-maker: “smart, hard-working, public-spirited people acting in good faith who are responding to systemic incentives.”
But where do these "systemic incentives" come from? How did the originate, and why do they persist?
Notice too what Glennon declares as the "ultimate problem": "The ultimate problem is the pervasive political ignorance on the part of the American people." But who controls the media by which the American people could be informed? Wouldn't the "ultimate" problem be the cause of the ignorance, and not the ignorance itself?
R. McChesney: Media and Politics in the United States Today
Glennon says that "the energy for reform has to come from the American people." What "American people"? ZOG has balkanized America, and is hell-bent on not only pressing forward with but actually intensifying its policy of divide-and-conquer via racial division.
But in Glennon's Ivory Tower none of this matters. All that matter to Glennon is that the bullshit continues to flow and his tenure is secure.
Glennon is the epitome of the higher education blowhard; the professor who'll ignore what's right in front of his face, and wax on, spewing endless grandiloquent bullshit, and talk about anything and everything except the obvious. Partly because that's what he's really paid to do, and partly because he's a coward.
And thank goodness that Glennon so effortlessly and expeditiously writes off kooky "conspiracy theories":
BECAUSE 'CONSPIRACIES' DON'T EXIST:
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